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The Russian Federation employs complex disinformation techniques to influence public opinion, particularly in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries. One example of such disinformation is the manipulation of images showing Jews traveling to Uman, Ukraine, where annual Rosh Hashanah (Jewish New Year) celebrations are held. Images of the Hasidic pilgrimage have been used by pro-Russian propaganda centers to fabricate a narrative about an alleged “mass immigration of Jews through Poland to Ukraine” and the construction of a “new Ukraine” as a “Jewish state” under the protection of President Volodymyr Zelensky.

Kremlin Hypocrisy: “Nazi” Ukraine and “Jewish Colonization”

Russia’s use of anti-Semitism as a propaganda tool has a long history, as detailed in the article “Anti-Semitism in Russia” (https://infoops.pl/antysemityzm-w-rosji/) and confirmed in this year’s U.S. State Department report (https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/GEC-Special-Report-More-than-a-Century-of-Antisemitism.pdf). On one hand, the Kremlin and pro-Russian media consistently portray Ukraine as a state supposedly overrun by Nazis, anti-Semites, and Russophobes, invoking emotionally charged rhetoric about “denazification” of Ukraine as a goal of the Russian invasion. In this narrative, Zelensky – who is of Jewish descent – is hypocritically depicted as a leader supporting anti-Semitic groups. On the other hand, Russian propaganda employs a completely different tactic by portraying Zelensky as a Jew who allegedly opens Ukraine to mass Jewish immigration, suggesting that they are “colonizing” the country to establish a new Jewish state. This version of disinformation finds particular use in Arab countries, where anti-Semitism is sometimes rooted in certain segments of society. Pro-Russian channels and social media, often with fake accounts or bots, spread images of Uman pilgrims as “evidence” of this false narrative.

Objective of Disinformation

This kind of dual disinformation strategy aims to:

  • Heighten anti-Semitic and anti-Ukrainian sentiment – It seeks to instill suspicion toward Ukraine in MENA countries, discouraging them from providing diplomatic and material support for Ukraine.
  • Defame the opposition – Russian propaganda not only manipulates public opinion abroad but also strives to silence internal opposition. An analysis by the Israeli think tank associated with Bar-Ilan University, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, titled “The Russian-Speaking Jewish Diaspora and the War in Ukraine,” notes that in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus – collectively home to around 90% of Jews living in former Soviet states – authorities in these three countries demanded unequivocal support for their policies in the face of the war in Ukraine. This support was expected not only from Jews as individual citizens but also from Jewish organizations in these countries (https://besacenter.org/the-russian-speaking-jewish-diaspora-and-the-war-in-ukraine/). Jewish responses to these expectations varied. While Ukrainian Jews, both personally and organizationally, are nearly unanimous in their support for their country’s leadership in its war and humanitarian efforts, not all Jews in Russia and Belarus have the courage to oppose the official narrative, according to the report’s authors. Therefore, it can be inferred that the Kremlin’s propagandistic actions described in both cited analyses, such as spreading anti-Semitic stereotypes and conspiracy theories, may create an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty among Russian Jews, which may be perceived as a form of intimidation.

Additionally, the intensification of repression against the opposition and civil society in Russia following the invasion of Ukraine, as noted in the BESA Center analysis, may also impact the sense of security among Russian Jews, even if they are not directly targeted by these actions.

  • Strengthening conspiracy theories – Russia exploits existing conspiracy theories about Jewish “control of the world” and adapts them to current events to reinforce its messaging. Similar narratives were used during the tsarist and Soviet eras, such as the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” – a fabricated document that served to justify anti-Semitism and fear of a Jewish “conspiracy.”

Impact on MENA Communities

Pro-Russian messages in the MENA region are intentionally manipulated to exploit existing hostilities and prejudices. In Arab countries, disinformation about “Jewish colonization of Ukraine” may find fertile ground and strengthen anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. This disinformation serves to inflame emotions and divisions, which Russia can exploit to weaken international solidarity with Ukraine.

Summary

The Kremlin’s propaganda surrounding the alleged “Jewish colonization of Ukraine” exemplifies an advanced disinformation strategy that uses anti-Semitism, lies, and manipulation to achieve political goals. This approach seeks both to undermine the credibility of Ukraine and Zelensky and to silence internal opposition to the war. By using double standards and manipulating historical biases, the Kremlin aims to create confusion and destabilization on the international stage, diverting attention from its own aggressive actions.


Author: Wojciech Pokora – INFO OPS Poland Foundation


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**Kyiv Blocks Peace, Putin Stabilizes the World: Russian Narratives in Arab Information Ecosystems** The Donald Trump administration’s decision to permit trade in Russian diesel provided the Kremlin with an argument whose credibility stemmed from the actions of Washington itself. Russian media leveraged it to present Moscow as an indispensable partner to the United States, while simultaneously disseminating accusations against Ukraine of blocking peace negotiations. Media monitoring of Arab outlets from October 8–10, 2026, illustrates how messaging from RT Arabic and TASS reached regional news services, where the Russian stance on the war appeared alongside reports of economic cooperation with the U.S. and diplomatic proposals regarding Iran. This juxtaposition enables Moscow to exploit genuine international developments to bolster the credibility of its own framing of the war against Ukraine. On October 9, 2026, Donald Trump announced an agreement with Vladimir Putin regarding supplies of Russian diesel fuel to the American and global markets. On the same day, the U.S. Department of the Treasury authorized specific transactions involving Russian diesel, temporarily easing a portion of the sanctions tied to the war against Ukraine. The decision came during a fuel crisis triggered, in part, by the conflict between the United States and Iran. Concurrently, Russian sources began circulating statements from Kremlin officials regarding peace negotiations. According to Putin’s advisor, Yuri Ushakov, it was Ukraine’s actions during the September Russian Duma elections that made an immediate resumption of talks impossible. This message was published by RT Arabic and subsequently appeared in Arab news services outside Russia. In parallel, Persian Gulf media outlets carried reports detailing Russian diplomatic proposals concerning Iran. ### From Kremlin Announcements to Arab News Outlets The dissemination process of Yuri Ushakov’s statements following the Putin-Trump call can be traced through consecutive publications. On October 9 at 23:17 GMT, RT Arabic published a piece titled *"Putin to Trump: Kyiv's Attempts to Disrupt the Duma Elections Prevented the Immediate Resumption of Negotiations."* The publication outlined the position of the Russian authorities, claiming that Ukrainian drone attacks during the September vote had eliminated the possibility of rapidly resuming trilateral talks involving Russia, Ukraine, and the United States. Ushakov employed the term "Kyiv regime" and framed Ukrainian actions as an attempt to torpedo the political process. His account also indicated that Trump took note of Putin’s position and promised to convey the relevant information to the Ukrainian delegation present in Miami. Ushakov’s explanation shifted responsibility for the diplomatic impasse from Moscow to Kyiv. Ukrainian strikes conducted during the Duma elections were presented as the obstacle to resuming negotiations. This allowed the Kremlin to justify the lack of progress in talks while maintaining declarations of its readiness for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. On October 10, an article with an identical title appeared in the Egyptian daily *Al-Dostor*. A comparison of the two pieces demonstrates near-verbatim alignment, including the order of statements, structural composition, and specific phrasing. However, *Al-Dostor* did not cite RT Arabic as its source. It remains unclear whether the text was acquired directly from the Russian service or through an intermediary distribution channel. Simultaneously, the Lebanese outlet *Beirut Time* published the text, explicitly citing RT Arabic as its source. In this instance, the origin of the message is transparent. The site functions as an aggregator and, in other publications, notes that it automatically ingests content from external websites, including Russian media outlets. This documented case illustrates the mechanics of a retransmission channel, though it does not conclusively demonstrate deliberate engagement by the Lebanese editorial team in promoting Russian narratives. Materials attributed to Russia Today were also published by the Yemeni daily *Al-Ayyam*, based in Aden. On September 7, 2026, it carried statements by Dmitry Peskov regarding the possibility of resuming peace negotiations with Ukraine. Later, on September 12, it ran a piece on allegations that Ukrainian military instructors were supporting armed groups in Mali and Sudan. In both instances, Russia Today was cited as the source. These publications document an established presence of Russian messages in the Yemeni press, though they do not clarify whether the articles were ingested automatically. A simple reprint on a local website does not in itself prove significant reach or influence over target audiences. It merely confirms that content from Russian state media was made available beyond its proprietary channels. The publication by the Emirati daily *Al Khaleej* on October 10 presents a different picture. Its report on the 90-minute phone call between Trump and Putin utilized information from the Russian news agency TASS as well as Kremlin statements. Right from the headline, both presidents were depicted as statesmen seeking solutions to global conflicts amid cascading crises. The body of the article included Russian assertions blaming Kyiv for the failure to resume peace talks, alongside characterizations of Ukrainian military operations as "terrorist attacks." While the article attributed these statements to Russian officials, its overall structure highlighted Moscow’s diplomatic engagement and Putin’s readiness for dialogue. *Al Khaleej* juxtaposed Russian allegations against Kyiv with details on Putin’s proposals regarding the Iranian nuclear program. Readers were thus presented with a narrative in which the Kremlin attributes the peace impasse to Ukraine while simultaneously offering its own solutions to the crisis in the Middle East. Such framing reinforces Moscow's diplomatic profile, even if it does not prove that the Emirati editorial board intentionally intended to advance Russian positions. ### The Energy Crisis Opened New Communication Space for Russia On October 9, the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) issued General License No. 135, authorizing transactions related to the sale, delivery, discharge, and import of Russian diesel fuel through April 7, 2027, within the scope of specified sanctions regimes. 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Russian messaging constructed an image of Moscow as a partner capable of alleviating energy supply constraints in the United States. Not all Arab media outlets adopted this interpretation. In its coverage on October 10, *Al Jazeera* detailed the economic limitations of the agreement, calling attention to the modest scale of the promised deliveries relative to global demand, as well as structural challenges within Russian refineries. It also included the perspective of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who framed the easing of sanctions as a move that directly facilitates the continued financing of Russia’s war. Washington's decision also intersects with the broader debate on energy security across MENA states, an issue intensified by the regional escalation around Iran. Consequently, Russian media can frame engagement with Moscow as a pragmatic response to tangible economic challenges rather than a purely political overture. ### Russia’s Mediation Offer in the Iran Conflict Following the Trump-Putin call, Russian media heavily promoted Moscow's proposals regarding the Iranian nuclear program. According to reports by TASS, Putin reiterated Moscow’s willingness to take custody of Iran’s enriched uranium, presenting the offer as a potential centerpiece for a broader agreement between Washington and Tehran. Yuri Ushakov emphasized that diplomatic avenues for resolving the conflict had not been exhausted. The Russian president reportedly also conveyed Tehran’s official stance directly to Trump. These details were featured in the aforementioned *Al Khaleej* report. Within a single article, Russian accusations against Ukraine were presented alongside Moscow’s proposals to resolve the confrontation over Iran. Russia leverages its relationship with Tehran to position itself as an indispensable interlocutor for Washington on matters outside the immediate scope of the war in Ukraine. The proposal regarding Iranian uranium enables Moscow to showcase its role in Middle Eastern security discussions. Whether the Russian offer brought a deal on Iran any closer remains undetermined. Nevertheless, it gained traction in Arab coverage of the Trump-Putin exchange, appearing prominently alongside the Ukrainian situation and fuel shipments. ### Transfer of Russian Narratives and the Limits of Findings The monitored publications reveal two distinct mechanisms by which Russian messaging enters regional information flows: 1. **Direct Reprinting:** Local platforms republish content produced by RT Arabic. 2. **Local Editorial Synthesis:** Regional newsrooms author original articles incorporating Russian sources, primarily TASS. The first mechanism demonstrates the direct replication of original content; the second reflects how quotes and framing provided by Moscow officials are selected and incorporated by local editors. While these documented instances confirm the transmission of Russian messages, they do not establish the existence of a coordinated FIMI (Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference) operation. No operational links between the newsrooms were identified, nor were networks of inauthentic accounts found amplifying this specific content. Transparent reprints of RT Arabic material and reliance on TASS wires may simply reflect routine editorial practices. These conclusions apply specifically to the analyzed texts rather than the Arab media landscape as a whole. In the case of *Al-Dostor*, the article closely mirrored content published by RT Arabic but omitted any attribution to the Russian source. As a result, readers of the Egyptian outlet were not clearly informed that the piece originated from a Russian state media entity. While this does not prove deliberate intent on the part of the editors, it demonstrates how attribution to the primary source can erode as content moves through downstream distribution channels. ### Analytical Assessment The primary mechanism identified in this monitoring cycle is the strategic utilization of real-world policy decisions to reinforce Russian interpretations of international events. The Trump administration’s authorization of specific transactions involving Russian diesel validates Washington's willingness to engage in limited economic cooperation with Moscow despite the ongoing war. Russian media exploit this fact as proof of Russia’s political and economic utility. Simultaneously, they circulate Kremlin talking points attributing the deadlock in peace negotiations entirely to Ukraine. This creates an environment where the credibility of factual reports regarding U.S. actions is transferred to political claims made by Russian authorities—claims that find no actual corroboration in those policy decisions. For the Kremlin, this represents an effective communication strategy within the MENA region. The conflict surrounding Iran and regional energy security directly touch upon local political and economic interests. Reports highlighting Russian involvement in addressing these crises can capture the attention of audiences that may not follow the day-to-day progression of the war in Ukraine. Moscow thus gains the ability to project its policy through the lens of pragmatic cooperation with Washington and proactive diplomacy, relegating its aggression against Ukraine to the background. The most significant consequence of this mechanism would be the gradual decoupling of Russia’s political assessment as an aggressor from its image as a useful partner in security and economic matters. Russian communications can leverage real policy decisions by foreign governments as arguments for normalizing relations with Moscow, subsequently linking that messaging to accusations leveled at Ukraine. However, the ultimate efficacy of this tactic remains unverified. Current monitoring documents distribution channels and publication content, but it does not confirm shifts in audience attitudes or the presence of a coordinated FIMI campaign. Determining whether Russian interpretations begin to circulate independently within the commentary, political discourse, and editorial coverage of Arab outlets—without direct attribution to Russian sources—will be decisive for future assessments.
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